From Philly to Miami to Bahrain – John Timoney’s Bloody Journey
by DAVID ROVICS – Counter Punch

John Timoney, until recently chief of police of Miami and before that Philadelphia, formerly of New York City, where he also was a high-ranking cop, is heading to Bahrain to train the cops there, according to the Associated Press. If you happen to know anybody from Bahrain who might be thinking that hiring this New Yorker could be a step in the direction of less massacre-oriented policing policies, this might be a good time to relieve them of any such illusions.

John Timoney is a deceitful thug. Here’s the background in a nutshell, for all who might be interested. In 1999 tens of thousands of peaceful protesters shut down the streets of Seattle and more or less shut down the big meeting of the World Trade Organization. Because they were peacefully blocking roads they were violently attacked by thousands of cops with massive amounts of tear gas and other weapons. In another part of town (Nike Town) a couple hundred people destroyed corporate property, were declared to be violent anarchists, and got massive amounts of media attention. The police chased them around but could never seem to catch them. Nobody got hurt in Nike Town other than the violent anarchists.

At every protest against corporate rule after that one, the corporate media went into high gear terrorizing everybody about how violent anarchists from Seattle were coming to destroy the city. Many people started believing this mythology, and it became a good enough pretext for future violent attacks on peaceful protesters after Seattle. It became a good enough pretext for cities like Philadelphia and Miami to hire police chiefs like John Timoney. They hired Timoney because of his reputation as a brutal man willing to get the job done, no matter how many heads had to be cracked open to do it.

In Philadelphia in 2000 the job was to keep the Republican National Convention flowing smoothly, with the protesters kept at bay. In 2003 the job was to keep the Free Trade Area of the Americas talks going along unimpeded. By all accounts the RNC protests in Philadelphia were especially notable because of widespread police brutality — both in the streets and in the jails. In 2003 I was in Miami for the FTAA talks, and what I saw from the time I got there to the time I left was a city under martial law.

John Timoney was the man in charge, and he was telling the people of Miami and his police force that the violent anarchists from Seattle were coming to destroy the city. He took it further, showing his troops artfully-edited video footage that was supposedly of the Seattle protests, where it appeared there were injured or dead police on the ground at the protests (this never happened). These Miami police were scared, and for no reason. Timoney presumably knew they had no reason to be scared, but there was no doubt that many of these cops believed the media lies which Timoney had been exaggerating even more for their benefit.

Every downtown exit was shut down for days, and almost all the stores and restaurants were shuttered, shop owners made to fear riots that would never happen. Massives fences were erected everywhere, and thousands of police everywhere you looked were wearing the most sinister-looking riot gear, many of them weighted down with an array of “non-lethal” weapons of all kinds, along with the lethal ones there for backup.

In one arbitrary moment the protests were declared illegal and within moments thousands of mostly young people were being drenched with tear gas and attacked, many of them in their backs, with bean bag bullets, rubber-coated steel bullets, tazers, and clubs. As people ran into the poor, mostly Black neighborhood near where the conference was taking place, people were helpful, and were also informing them that certain people in their neighborhood had been told by Miami police that they should be encouraged to rob the protesters coming in from out of town — any potential criminals were apparently given free reign to mug for the duration.

Make no mistake, unfortunate people of Bahrain — this man is coming to make everything even worse. But he’ll smile at the cameras glowingly, and tell them how his police are all acting with the utmost restraint and respect for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. It won’t be true, though.

JT inspired me to verse twice. Here are the songs I wrote in his honor:

“Butcher for Hire” …source

The King may brush aside Human Rights Watch, but deputy direct Joe Stork offers a realistic prediction of the future: “Since the crackdown on the protests authorities have violently suppressed peaceful demonstrations and silenced dissident voices through arrests, torture, and job dismissal. But people in Bahrain, and throughout the region, have made it clear that violent suppression isn’t going to make the issues go away. People want their rights.”

Bahrain’s King Hamad Suffocating Himself
The Trench – 23 January, 2012

The complex and often paradoxical nature of warfare is known to flip weakness into strength, and strength into weakness. Any actor, whether conventional or unconventional, must learn to limit or convert its deficiencies into a resource, and protect its strengths from dulling. Comfortably shielded by a thick international bubble, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa now embodies this strategic decay as some of his main advantages becomes liabilities. Not just Manama’s Fifth Fleet, which simultaneously keeps Washington in his pocket and international attention on his island.

After transiting through the nexus of politics and business – complacency is bad for both – the King’s low-intensity response to Bahrain’s uprising is incrementally suffocating his own kingdom.

Every Arab regime threaten by revolution has utilized tear gas to disrupt protesters from moving or gathering en masse. No government, however, relies more extensively on gas canisters than Bahrain’s security apparatus. The King’s small military, limited armaments and use of his police force, combined with the savvy to stay low profile, dictates a non-lethal response of rubber bullets and gas waves. Smoke clouded Manama throughout last week as Al Wefaq, Bahrain’s leading Shia oppositional party, attempted to organize a secession of rallies in the capital. Determined to crush the uprising, the monarchy rejected Al Wefaq’s permit request on the grounds of disrupting traffic and quickly smothered all dissenters.

As they often do, security forces also moved north for a funeral job in Muharraq. Here protesters had gathered to attend the burial of Yousif Muwali, whose body washed up in on January 13th. Al Wefaq alleges that Muwali was being held by police at the time of his death, while the government claims that he suffered from “psychological issues.” The government also rejected a petition to protest at Muwali’s funeral, but even authorized demonstrations require indiscriminate force to scatter. Those protesters who broke for a street outside Muharraq’s graveyard were first confronted with gas and violent force by police (likely foreign) and plain-clothes men. Police later intervened and restored order through more peaceful means.

By this point Yassin Asfour, a 14-year old asthmatic, had died of asphyxiation after being gassed at a separate protest. Several other recent casualties suffered fatal trauma to the head after being struck by gas canisters, a tactic employed in Egypt and Yemen.

So goes daily life in Bahrain, a week after King Hamad articulated a list of reforms during his “keynote” address. His changes to parliament and the constitution fell short of all established oppositional parties, along with street protesters demanding total regime change. Hamad has downplayed the island’s civil strife throughout 11-months of low-intensity conflict, whether blaming Iran for instigating a revolt or denying systematic abuses by the government. His “National Dialogue” and Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) took the cosmetic route to reform, a dead end in the Arab revolutionary wave, and the King remains determined to restore “normality” to his kingdom. Royal officials regularly meet with U.S. officials such as CENTCOM commander James Mattis and Ambassador Thomas Krajiski, resulting in official state propaganda.

“During the meeting, the Minister welcomed the US ambassador and reviewed with him existing bilateral military cooperation relations between the Kingdom of Bahrain and the friendly United States of America in addition to discussion of a number of issues of mutual concern.” …more

Interpol faces legal threat for helping oppressive regimes hunt dissidents
By Ian Johnston – msnbc.com – 23 Janaury, 2012

Interpol has issued a “red notice”, above, for Benny Wenda, a tribal leader who campaigns for independence for the West Papua region from Indonesia. Wenda has been granted asylum in the U.K. on political grounds, according to Fair Trials International.
By Ian Johnston, msnbc.com

LONDON — A landmark lawsuit alleging that dictatorships and other oppressive regimes are using Interpol’s alert system to harass or detain political dissidents is being planned by rights activists and lawyers.

Campaigners allege that rogue states have fabricated criminal charges against opposition activists who have been given refuge in other countries and then sought their arrest by obtaining “red notices” from the global police body.

There are currently about 26,000 outstanding red notices. While they are only designed to alert other nations’ police forces that an Interpol member state has issued an arrest warrant, some countries will take suspects into custody based on the red notice alone.

In one case, Rasoul Mazrae, an Iranian political activist recognized by the United Nations as a refugee, was arrested in Syria in 2006 as he tried to flee to Norway after a red notice was issued.

Mazrae was deported back to Iran, where he was tortured, according to a report by Libby Lewis, of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. He was later jailed for 15 years, Amnesty International says.

‘Torturers and murderers’
In one of the latest cases, a red notice has been issued for Benny Wenda, a tribal leader who campaigns for independence for the West Papua region from Indonesia. He was granted asylum in the U.K. after claiming he had been tortured and prosecuted for inciting people to attack a police station. Wenda says he was in a different country at the time of the incident.

Mark Stephens, a leading British human rights lawyer, told msnbc.com that the red notice system can allow Interpol to unwittingly become “an aider and abettor of torturers and murderers in oppressive regimes.”

Amid mounting anger within the legal community, the U.K.-based rights campaign group Fair Trials International is now seeking people who allege their red notices are politically motivated to take part in a class action lawsuit against Interpol.

If successful, the case would potentially make France-based Interpol subject to the rulings of a court for the first time.

That would have implications not just for political dissidents, but could also create an extra legal hurdle for any country seeking to extradite alleged terrorists, murderers, international fraudsters, and other criminals based in another country.

Jago Russell, the chief executive of Fair Trials International, highlighted that Interpol’s 190 member states include “countries that routinely abuse their criminal justice systems to persecute individuals.”

Despite this, there is no independent court where someone can challenge a notice and “no remedy for the damage that notices can cause,” he said.

Iran, Syria, Myanmar, Sudan, Belarus and Zimbabwe — all widely condemned for human rights abuses by their governments — are members of Interpol and each country currently has red notices listed on its website.

“Powerful international organizations with the ability to ruin lives have to be accountable for their actions,” Russell wrote in an email.

“Interpol’s own credibility relies on proper accountability mechanisms to weed out cases of abuse, but if Interpol refuses to put its own house in order it could ultimately be up to the courts to step in and demand action,” he added.

There have been legal challenges to Interpol’s decisions heard in some countries’ courts in the past, but these have failed “to hold the organization to account,” Russell wrote.

Russell hopes that a court with jurisdiction over a number of countries, such as the European Court of Human Rights, will take a different view.

“This would no doubt be a long, hard process but with thousands of people affected by red notices every year and, with the rule of law at stake, it would be worth the fight,” he said.

Political persecution
Fair Trials International is currently highlighting Wenda’s case in particular and trying to help get his red notice removed.

He escaped from prison before being sentenced and fled Indonesia in 2002. Wenda traveled to the U.K., where he was granted asylum due to Indonesia’s persecution of him on political grounds, according to Fair Trials International.

Wenda then renewed his campaign, meeting politicians and others as he traveled the world. He also has a website highlighting the West Papuan cause. …more

David Cameron’s visit to Saudi Arabia to sell British armaments was a slap in the face for protesters who are demanding human rights and more of a say in their country’s affairs and facing brutal repression from the regime.

Who cares about human rights in Saudi Arabia when there’s billions to be made selling arms?
By Toby Matthiesen – The Guardian – 22 January 2012

David Cameron, trying to flog Typhoon Eurofighters to the Saudis, meets the ultraconservative Prince Nayef bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud.

As the British prime minister, David Cameron, visited Riyadh in mid-January, wooing Saudi business and strengthening bilateral relations, a young Shia man in the eastern province was shot dead.

Following the kingdom’s huge arms deal with the United States, Cameron apparently wanted to persuade the Saudis to buy Typhoon Eurofighters. His visit was a slap in the face for protesters, who are demanding human rights and more of a say in their country’s affairs.

In the week beginning 16 January thousands of people – activists say tens of thousands – took to the streets of Awwamiya in the eastern province to commemorate the death of Issam Muhammad Abu Abdallah, aged 22. He had been shot by Saudi security forces on the night of 12 January.

According to the interior ministry, the security forces were defending themselves after a police car had been attacked. Activists and local Shia news websites acknowledge that the police were attacked, but argue that the police used force indiscriminately. Issam’s funeral turned into a large rally at which emotions ran high and anti-government slogans were chanted.

These events are just the latest episodes in one of the Middle East’s most under-reported conflicts. Last year, Shia citizens in the eastern province took to the streets just days after the uprising started in neighbouring Bahrain on 14 February. Their protests were largely peaceful and they were hoping that Saudis in other areas would join them on a planned “day of rage” in March.

This day passed without major demonstrations, even in Shia areas, as the Shia protesters had allegedly been told their grievances would be addressed if they stayed at home. Those promises were never fulfilled, however, and the state chose to arrest the leaders of the demonstrations over the summer, further inflaming the situation.

Instead of using such repression, the regime should have addressed the grievances of the protesters, including the release of political prisoners. The Saudi Shia minority, mainly located in the eastern province, has long complained of discrimination in government employment and business, as well as restriction of religious practices. Initially, the protesters were not calling for the downfall of the monarchy but as repression intensified (demonstrations are illegal in Saudi Arabia) some did and also started attacking the security forces.

In October, shootings were reported between security forces and armed men outside a police station in Awwamiya. The town, which has for decades been a hotspot of Shia opposition, has since been in a virtual state of lockdown, and now seems to have started an uprising – the “intifada of dignity”, as activists have called it. …more

Bahrain Special: Interview with Nabeel Rajab “We Will Continue Our Uprising”
23 January, 2012 – by Josh Shahryar – EA World View

Two weeks ago EA’s Josh Shahryar spoke with Nabeel Rajab, the head of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights. The interview came just after police had attacked a march in Manama, with Rajab at the front, and had allegedly beaten the human rights activist.

Since that interview, there have been further significant developments in Bahrain, including more marches, more clashes, and more deaths from tear gas and possibly from police abuse. Regime supporters claim that Rajab and opposition societies such as Al Wefaq are supporting violence against the security forces, while regime critics argue that little has changed despite the King’s promise to address the shortcomings identified in November’s report by the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry.

Rajab himself returned to the political stage days after his chat with Shahryar, telling a massive rally that the Manama marches would continue. Equally important, he had a message for King Hamad. This was mis-reported by some prominent journalists, including Nicholas Kristof of The New York Times, as Rajab’s call for the monarch to step down. In fact, Rajab had said that, if the King wanted to retain the support of the people — who are the real power in Bahrain — then he had to make significant reforms quickly.

In light of these developments, Josh Shahryar resumed his discussion with Rajab yesterday. The activist discusses the future of the opposition movement, the problem of rising violence, the role he wishes the ruling family will play in reforms, and actions by the US and Britain if they are genuine in their concern about Bahrain.

What is the forthcoming strategy for the opposition, given that 1) the regime is not giving way on demands for substantial political reform; 2) marches are often blocked by security forces; and 3) there are claims of a violent minority growing amongst protesters?

I don’t believe violence is a policy of the opposition or that it is systematic. Lately we have seen some isolated cases of violence. We as human rights groups and the opposition in Bahrain disagree with violence and don’t think it could be the means for change for the better. However, we understand the frustration of the people. They are being arrested, tortured and their loved ones are being killed.

The other side [the regime] is offering no solutions. Due to political considerations and economic interests, the international community is ignoring these abuses as well. That is adding to the feeling of frustration. Then we see people getting killed because of tear gas to which the international community replies with more silence. Foreigners come to Bahrain, they demolish mosques, they rob houses, they destroy property. An indigenous opposition in this country exists that is now being crushed by foreign mercenaries.

I am very sad to see violence, I don’t think it will ever be a solution, but [the human rights groups in Bahrain’s] ability to control or to keep masses peaceful is limited because of the pervasive violence against them by the regime. The same is the case with the opposition — they can’t either. The deadlock and the continued oppression by the government is creating this violence and I’m afraid that this violence could increase in the face of oppression and silence by the international community.

Let’s make one thing clear, all is in the hands of the government. All we can do is create pressure locally and internationally. all the tools are in the hands of the government — the army, police and all institutions. The government doesn’t seem to have the willingness to make changes, especially since it is getting support from regimes like Saudi Arabia, who are helping with oppression to either stop or to hijack the revolution.

So we have to put pressure on those governments, social and economic, to take sides with the people who are being oppressed. Locally, we will continue our uprising. We can’t imagine any reason to stop now. We are at a stage where over 50 people have been killed, thousands have been injured, countless have been tortured. Human rights violations have been committed by many people in system including high-ranking members of the royal family, like two sons of the king. With all these huge sacrifices we have paid, I don’t think anyone is thinking of stopping the uprising. We will continue fighting for justice, democracy and freedom. We will try our best to keep it peaceful and maintain calm.

You mentioned Saudi Arabia. What has been the role of Saudi Arabia in the violence against Bahrain?

Saudi Arabia is working parallel to the revolution to cancel it. Across the Middle East, either, it is either giving money to stop revolutions or when they happen it tries to hijack them. And this is happening in places like Egypt. They have wealth to buy institutions and media to influence the outcome of revolutions. That has to be taken into consideration when people are fighting for democracy in this part of the world since Saudi Arabia is powerful in the Gulf and Middle East.

This is one reason why you don’t hear about Bahrain in the international media because most of the media in this part of the world are owned either by Qatar or the Saudis. These countries are ruled by regimes who are friendly with the government in Bahrain. That’s why Al Jazeera Arabic, which was actively covering all the other revolutions [in the Middle East and North Africa], is totally silent about Bahrain. That is why Al Arabiya continues to run material opposing the Syrian regime, but when it comes to Bahrain, they are on the government’s side. This is the case with all media owned by them [the Saudis].

What does King have to do to stay in power?

The truth is that this king had more support from the people than any other king from his family in the past 200 years because of the promises he made. This support even came from human rights organizations. We had hope.

In 2000, He was in the village of Sitra on a visit. People — civilians — lifted his car up with their hands and carried it around the village out of happiness and love. They shouted, “With our blood and life, we would sacrifice for you.” But that was ten years ago. Now 14 people have been killed in that village in the past few months. Now when they protest, they shout, “King Hamad! Step Down”. People have lost confidence in the king.

There should be a radical change for people to regain their trust in him. There should be a radical move that will bring confidence back. It is gonna have to be much more than what he did in 2000 to gain trust and confidence because people have lost trust in him and the regime. First of all, he must release all political prisoners. Then, he must bring the opposition together and ask their demands with them while treating them with dignity and respect and granting. Then, he must apply and implement all the demands they require. A big part of the opposition still isn’t asking for the overthrow of the government. Calls for his departure are not as deep-rooted. They only started when people started to get killed by security forces. His role may be negotiable.

The bottom line is that there should be real changes to satisfy people. The government has failed completely to address the people’s demand. The king’s image has become that of a man who doesn’t keep his word because of the number of promises he made and never fulfilled them. However, the government doesn’t seem to want to give anything.

If the Prime Minister is removed, will Nabeel Rajab and others sit down for talks with Crown Prince and other regime officials?

It will create a positive atmosphere, but will not solve the political problem. People talk about the system; that is the problem. You remove the Prime Minister and then what? Another Prime Minister from the same family for another 40 years? No matter what the prime minister does then – corruption human, rights violations, the murder of civilians -, you can’t remove him from power because he’s from the royal family. The people say that they need an elected government. The king is there by default, but he shouldn’t be able to decide everything — 70% of the ministries and 70% of all the high-ranking jobs in all institutions shouldn’t be only from one family [the ruling Al Khalifas].

Remove the prime minister, sure, but don’t bring someone from same family. Bring someone elected by the people. …more

Sanitas International
1101 Pennsylvania Ave – 6th Floor NW – Washington DC 20004
Tel: 202.756.1961 – Email: info@sanitasint.com

Sanitas International is a strategic communications, public affairs, digital media and political advisory firm. Based in Washington, D.C., the firm develops innovative strategies and high-stakes solutions for a broad range of clients located in some of the most challenging environments around the world. The firm also develops strategies for clients looking to influence legislation and public opinion both in Washington, DC, throughout the United States and in specific markets abroad.

Everyday Sanitas addresses challenges for a diverse portfolio of global clients, providing innovative and creative solutions tailored specifically to each of their needs. Sanitas handles some of the most critical issues influencing global policy, affecting the bottom line of international corporations and tarnishing the reputation of young leaders. The company also specializes in communications, branding and political strategies in developing countries and emerging markets around the world and we support client specific sectors such in the fields of Defense, Manufacturing, Energy, International Affairs and Veteran Affairs. …more

Lobbyists for Bahraini repression
06 January, 2012 – Angry Arab News – by As’ad AbuKhalil

“In November the Washington Times posted an article favorable to the Bahraini regime. The article was written by a former U.S. 5th fleet commander who later became a Lockheed Martin executive. It turns out that the article was placed in the Times at the request of the Sanitas lobbying firm which works on behalf of the Bahrain government. The article urged the U.S. government to support the Bahraini government in cracking down on pro-democracy protesters in Bahrain. While deploring the violence the U.S. in effect did support the crackdown and said nothing against the sending of GCC troops into Bahrain to help quash the protests.” (thanks Saeed)
…source

“There is no politics except street politics… when people are there with their bodies expressing their agency and will,” said software engineer and independent activist Alaa Abd El Fattah. Abd El Fattah believes that it took the military’s atrocities and violence against civilians to bring Egyptians around to viewing the SCAF critically, which they should have done from the beginning.

A year of revolution: Lessons learned
by Mohamed Elmeshad – 22 January, 2012 – Egypt Independent

On 11 February 2011, jubilation broke out in Tahrir Square after Vice President Omar Suleiman announced a victory for the revolutionaries. The belief was that with Mubarak’s departure, Egypt’s political situation would radically improve. While some revolutionaries held their applause at the ominous prospect of an interim military-led government, the majority celebrated.

It was only a matter of time before the rest of the revolution’s goals would be achieved. Social justice was just around the corner. Corruption’s lynchpin was gone, and his underlings were soon to follow.

Almost a year has passed, and many of the same revolutionary forces plan to take to the streets to demand many of the same things they demanded last 25 January. This year’s protests can potentially be a new launching point for the revolution and a second attempt to put the country back on course toward change.

So why do the revolutionaries find themselves going back to the same place with the same demands? For many, 11 February, 2011 was a time to leave the square, and give up what is undoubtedly the revolution’s most powerful weapon, street protests, to begin work on building Egypt anew. According to many revolutionaries, this was the first and most prominent mistake.

“The most important mistake the revolutionaries made was to leave the square so easily and allow the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to assume power unopposed,” said Marwa Farouk, an activist and member of the Popular Alliance Party.

Street protests drove Mubarak out, and have arguably had the greatest effect in winning many of the concessions made by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, despite the SCAF’s consistent berating and bashing of protesters. After 8 July, Prime Minister Essam Sharaf was forced to reshuffle his cabinet. The November protests and the clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud Street forced the SCAF to introduce an entirely new cabinet and abandon plans for a set of supraconstitutional principles, while finally announcing that they would hand over power to a civilian government by July.

“There is no politics except street politics… when people are there with their bodies expressing their agency and will,” said software engineer and independent activist Alaa Abd El Fattah.

Abd El Fattah believes that it took the military’s atrocities and violence against civilians to bring Egyptians around to viewing the SCAF critically, which they should have done from the beginning. …more

Prices shoot up in Eastern Province
By ARAB News – 23 January, 2012

DAMMAM: Prices of a number of basic commodities including baby milk, vegetables and cosmetics have gone up about five percent in recent weeks in the Eastern Province, business daily Al-Eqtisadiah reported Sunday, quoting a number of consumers from the region.

The residents asked the government authorities concerned to intervene quickly to put an end to the “unjustified price hikes.”

The residents called for the intensification of inspection tours of shops and pharmacies to check the prices of foodstuffs, including sugar, meat and baby milk, and other commodities that were raised by between SR9 and SR13 without previous notice.

They said less than a month after the announcement of the general budget, the prices of these commodities were increased by more than five percent.

The consumers questioned the usefulness of the market inspection teams and demanded uniform prices for the same items in shops and pharmacies. They also wondered if the Consumer Protection Association existed in the region.

They called for a telephone number through which they could reach the officials in charge of prices, whether at the Ministry of Commerce in case of commodities or the Health Ministry for medicines.

The residents asked the authorities concerned to impose punitive measures on violating shops including fines, defamation and final closure of the premises.

According to some pharmacists who spoke on condition of anonymity, the prices of baby milk were raised by SR5 to SR9, while cosmetics were raised by SR3 and diapers by SR5 to SR10. They noted that prices of the same commodity differed from one pharmacy to another even though they might be only 500 meters apart.

The pharmacists denied they have any hand in the price hikes and said it was the company owning the pharmacy that decides the price of each commodity.

Chairman of the Eastern Chamber of Commerce and Industry Abdul Rahman Al-Rashid said the chamber had nothing to do with the rise in the prices of foodstuffs, vegetables and baby milk. “This is the responsibility of the Commerce Ministry, not the chamber,” he said.

Al-Rashid said the chamber was not authorized to check prices, but it had been constantly asking traders not to increase prices.

He also said shops that offered sales would inform the chamber, which in turn would address the Commerce Ministry to agree or refuse.
…source

The Bomb: Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan
By Pervez Hoodbhoy – 22 January, 2012 – International Herald Tribune

The writer currently teaches physics and political science at LUMS. He taught at Quaid-i-Azam University for 36 years and was head of the physics department. He received a doctorate in nuclear physics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Once upon a time Iran was Pakistan’s close ally — probably its closest one. In 1947, Iran was the first to recognise the newly independent Pakistan. In the 1965 war with India, Pakistani fighter jets flew to Iranian bases in Zahedan and Mehrabad for protection and refuelling. Both countries were members of the US-led Seato and Cento defence pacts, Iran opened wide its universities to Pakistani students, and the Shah of Iran was considered Pakistan’s great friend and benefactor. Sometime around 1960, thousands of flag-waving school children lined the streets of Karachi to greet him. I was one of them.

The friendship has soured, replaced by low-level hostility and suspicion. In 1979, Ayatollah Khomenei’s Islamic revolution, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, set major realignments in motion. As Iran exited the US orbit, Pakistan joined the Americans to fight the Soviets. With Saudi money, they together created and armed the hyper-religious Pashtun mujahideen. Iran too supported the mujahideen — but those of the Tajik Northern Alliance. But as religion assumed centrality in matters of state in both Pakistan and Iran, doctrinal rifts widened.

These rifts are likely to widen as the US prepares for its withdrawal from Afghanistan. Iranians cannot forget that in 1996, following the Soviet pullout from Afghanistan, the Taliban took over Kabul and began a selective killing of Shias. This was followed by a massacre of more than 5,000 Shias in Bamiyan province. Iran soon amassed 300,000 troops at the Afghan border and threatened to attack the Pakistan-supported Taliban government. Today, Iran accuses Pakistan of harbouring terrorist anti-Iran groups like Jundullah on its soil and freely allowing Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and its associates to ravage Pakistan’s Shia minority. Symptomatic of the grassroot-level change, Farsi is no longer taught in Pakistani schools.

On the other hand, Saudi Arabia’s footprint in Pakistan has grown steadily since the early 1970s. Pakistani leaders, political and military, frequently travel to the Kingdom to pay homage or seek refuge. The dependency on Saudi money grew. After India had tested its Bomb in May 1998 and Pakistan was mulling over the appropriate response, the Kingdom’s grant of 50,000 barrels of free oil a day helped Pakistan decide in favour of a tit-for-tat response and cushioned the impact of sanctions subsequently imposed by the US and Europe. The Saudi defence minister, Prince Sultan, was a VIP guest at Kahuta, where he toured its nuclear and missile facilities just before the tests. Years earlier Benazir Bhutto, the then serving prime minister, had been denied entry. ..more

Bahrain: “Free Earplugs for every Citizen”
22 January, 2012 – ahlamoun.com

Boarding any overnight plane, the crew out of courtesy usually distribute free earplugs in case you needed to block noises from nearby passengers, a service I bet someone somehow thought that its a genius idea, one must use it in the Arab Governments!

“Free Earplugs for every Citizen” is “apparently” the campaign being ran, an attempt to block all Arab voices supporting the Pro-Democracy movement in Bahrain.

I believe that no feeling mounts to the feeling that you are standing blindfolded with no one holding the ground beneath you, and as you shout for freedom, the person next to you whom you expect to unite his voice to yours, is in utter silence!!

And then comes the shocking discovery that there are many voices behind you but someone has planted earplugs to block those voices from charging your spirit!

Visiting Tunisia last month alerted many sensors I passed by to the earplugs planted, and here are the incidents I have encountered with Arab Activists and ordinary yet extraordinary Arab citizens I have talked with during my visit.

Before exploring the outcome of the visit, I’d like to briefly state my observation on the channels of Communication when it came to Arab Spring and Bahrain in particular.

There are many channels to communicate with people who are miles apart, to know their updates and share yours. For example, Newspapers, Television and Online Social Media. And as the 14Feb events clearly taught us that Arab Media Channels are gravely controlled by governments or certain groups with wicked agendas. Therefore we had one platform to share true narrative of events, which was Social Media, and we have massively succeeded on an international level with one fatal exception, the Arab’s region level!

Social Media phenomena like Twitter, Facebook and Youtube can only be effective if it is embedded in the culture that encourages it and if you have the proper Networks which are equip to handle the pressure.

And this is the case in Bahrain and most of the Gulf countries who even if they didn’t have the money to buy iPhones and Blackberries, company’s exploited the profit behind the Arab Spring social effect by providing many installment plans to encourage people to buy.

My best friend’s mother and my previous boss at work who never thought of using other than a phone which calls and sends/receives text messages, the first bought a BlackBerry and the other now has 2 iPhones! When I asked for the reason behind this technological transformation, the answer was “To be up-to-date and know what is happening in Bahrain”.

The use of social media was not limited to normal users in Bahrain, high ranking government officials like the Bahrain’s Minister of Foreign Affairs -”who is, by the way, not doing a good job, not even for the government loyalists followers” and many Political and Human Rights organizations used this platform to broadcast major announcements and interact with people locally and globally. You can sense this integration when you read the Headline of a Bahraini newspaper starting by “The Ministry of Interior on tweeted last night that …..”.

Jehad, a journalist and an activist from Lebanon gave a comment during a Social Media Forum saying “I have seen the extensive use of social media only in Gulf Countries like Bahrain and Kuwait with high ranking officials from government and opposition political parties”.

Another European journalist who came to to write a story about Bahrain, when I had plans to meet her, she clearly mentioned in her email :” Please don’t assume that I can access emails all the time, let’s plan one day before, because I have noticed that many people in Bahrain are using iPhones most of the time, even while being oppressed by the government in a protest”.

The downside of this, is that this culture is not as wide-spread in other Arab countries as it is in Bahrain, which has created a huge gab and helped block voices from reaching us and our voices from reaching them since tremendous focus is put on social networking- which I do not disagree with at all.

Therefore, field visits, conferences and forums are vital and important to spread the word and have a better understanding of how is our 14Feb Movement is perceived and to engage in conversations and small talks with people to sense the true vibe on the arab streets – and that was the plan I had in mind during my visit to Tunis.

On the 17th December 2011, the Tunisian Revolution Anniversary day, I wrapped around me the flag of Bahrain and took my camera (something I used to do back in the days) and marched on the streets of Tunis to bring more awareness about Bahrain and welcomed random questions from people in coffes-shops, pass-byers and shop owners asking about “Who’s Flag is this?” and “How is Bahrain?” – and I had the most interesting and enlightening conversations since March 2011 !

The Flag of Bahrain got mixed up a lot with a Tunisian sports club named “African Club” who had similar colors and stripes, one from far would think that I am a devoted African Club fan.

That mixed up helped provoke many conversations, people stopped and asked “Oh, African Club fan, huh?” .. and I wave the flag of Bahrain in the middle of the road asking them to not only recognize the Flag but to know the daily struggles of a revolution being wiped up by media.

As I was walking on Al Habeeb Burqeba Street, the Old Souq long streets and their outdoor and indoor bookshops, I have only sensed the genuine prayers and tremendous support. …source

Do You Really Want to Pull at That Thread
21 January, 2012 – IRD

Framing the regional power struggle as a Sunni-Shi’a confrontation could have dire consequences for the Middle East.

If you are a Tehran-based media correspondent, or a tourist having had the courage to defy anti-Iran stereotypes and visit our country, kindly take a walk in downtown Tehran, engage in a small talk with a religious Iranian and ask them a little bit of general knowledge quiz: what Islamic denomination does the Assad family follow? Fearless of the USD skyrocketing exchange rate in Tehran, I bet one hundred bucks that they identify the family as Sunnis. Should they be more informed, and know of Assads’ Alewite background, ask them if Alewites are Shi’as; two hundred bucks says that their answer is a no, and at that moment you may also observe a look of surprise on their face; despite the fact that Damascus is one of the most popular pilgrimage destination for the religious Iranian, as it hosts the tomb of Zeinab, daughter of the first Shi’a imam, Ali, and an iconic figure in the Shi’a history.

I’m not surprised if the Western media label the Syrian government as Shi’a. Their lack of knowledge on the Middle East fabric is sort of a given (even the Bush administration seemed to have no idea until it saw Iraq slide into a sectarian war.) But why has the BBC Persian, or the Turkish Today’s Zaman, taken a liking in equating Alewites and Shi’as? They could not be pardoned with this mistake. Or is it really a mistake? Noticing how this polarized framing could pay dividends, one has all the right to hesitate when calling it a mistake. After all, this narrative easily puts the struggle between the regional powers to take helm of the Arab Spring in their hands, and their fierce battle over Syria, into the age-old context of the Sunni-Shi’a schism. It gives substance to ferocious anti-Assad policies of Ankara, Riyadh and the biting-more-than-it-can-chew Doha. It turns painfully funny when even the Israeli Ha’aretz tries to aggrandize the rift, reporting of Hamas crackdown on Shi’a community in Gaza

But do you really want to pull at that threat? After all, the consequences of this divisive policy may happen to be less than beneficial for its propagators, at its best turning their Middle East conquest into a pyrrhic victory. A quick glance at demographics of the region won’t make us any harm: Iran, holds a substantial 89% of Shi’as, this figures amounts to (minimums considered) 65% for the Republic of Azerbaijan (deeply secularized under the Soviet rule –and later the Aliyevs, but showing a burgeoning interest in its ancestors’ faith), 65% in Iraq (as a de facto rule, the prime minister, the most powerful authority in the country, is Shi’a), 30% in Lebanon (largely represented by Amal and Hezbollah), 60% in Bahrain (whose uprising against institutionalized discrimination suffers media blackout, simply because they have made the unforgivable sin of following the wrong denomination) and 30% in Kuwait.
…more

Testimony: Bahrain Formula 1 tortured employee: “In the chamber of Death, I fainted”
22 January, 2012 – Bahrain Center for Human Rights

The following testimony is for an employee in Bahrain International Circuit (BIC) – the host of Formula1 in Bahrain-, who was tortured behind the offices of (BIC) on 7 April 2011, before getting arrested and tortured even more at the detention centres, along with another 25 other employees. The occurrence of torture has been confirmed by multiple reports including Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, which was appointed by the king. However, many of those involved in torturing, including the ones mentioned in this testimony are still free without accountability. Even after exposing this testimony over Twitter, the victim of torture has received threats for doing so. BCHR keeps identity of the employee private.
The employee’s testimony:

7 April 2011 – I was attacked while I was working at my office. When a group of security officers crushed into my office, appointed the weapon to my head and dragged me, even more they insulted and cursed me, I was in extreme shock. I did not know what is happening and why it is happening. I asked Mr. Bushara Abdo Bushara, BIC Security Manager, what was happening, but the latter slapped me and insulted my mother’s honour with the ugliest and dirtiest words. They put me on the ground, handcuffed me and beaten me severely. One of the intelligence put his foot on my face with the full weight of his body until I felt that my breath would go away. Moreover, they dragged me on ground next to the elevator, cursing and asking me wired and vulgar questions like “How many times did I have sex in roundabout”.

After that, they took me to an isolated room, as soon as I arrived there a Pakistani officer slapped me and insulted me. Few minutes later, the officer came with a picture of my daughter saying “Is this your baby girl?” He started laughing hysterically and said that I would never see her again as I was sentenced to death. I was bleeding nearly for two hours. Then, I was pulled, beaten, insulted, kicked and thrown in a bus full of the other staff, who were not in a better condition.

We, the staff of formula1, have faced many insults, verbal abuse and torturing in our way to Riffa Police Station. When we arrived, a police woman laughed and asked the officer how many sheep do they had this time, and He replied “25 sheep and one goat!” They kept us all in one room blindfolded and asked us to face the wall, that’s when they started beaten us brutally. I was hearing my colleagues screaming as they were subjected to electrical shocks. Later, I reached the maximum, I was in severe pain and I screamed “give me a pen and paper. I will sign and write whatever you want of charges, just stop!”

I didn’t feel my hands as they were handcuffed to my wrist so tight, preventing the blood to reach the veins. I received blows by whips and batons all over my body and my hands. Torture continued for long hours in that room, the room of Formula1 staff. Furthermore, we asked for water, they responded to us with whips and water mains, and replied “You do not deserve even water and will not drink any drop”. By then, they dragged me into a room called the Chamber of “Death”. The corridor leading to that room was full of officers who enjoyed beaten me with all tools that come to mind!! …more

Bahrain: Widespread Crackdown; Systematic Abuse
Release People Convicted for Nonviolent Political Offenses
22 January, 2012 – Human Rights Watch

(Beirut) – Bahrain’s government should address serious and systematic abuses that officials and members of its security forces committed during a widespread crackdown on anti-government protests, Human Rights Watch said today in releasing its World Report 2012. The authorities should release hundreds of people convicted of crimes solely for exercising their rights to freedom of speech and assembly, and ensure that security forces stop using excessive force against protesters. Clashes between security forces and protesters have claimed the lives of more than 45 people.

Partly inspired by pro-democracy demonstrations in Egypt and Tunisia, Bahrainis took to the streets calling for greater political rights in February 2011. Hundreds of Bahrainis camped in Pearl Roundabout in Manama, which immediately became the symbol of the movement. On February 14, authorities used lethal force to suppress peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations in Pearl Roundabout, killing one protester and wounding many more. Before the year was out, hundreds of people accused of involvement with the protests had been sentenced to prison in unfair trials, many in military courts.

“Since the crackdown on the protests authorities have violently suppressed peaceful demonstrations and silenced dissident voices through arrests, torture, and job dismissals,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “But people in Bahrain, and throughout the region, have made it clear that violent suppression isn’t going to make the issues go away. People want their rights.”

In the 676-page World Report 2012, Human Rights Watch assesses progress on human rights during the past year in more than 90 countries, including popular uprisings in the Arab world that few would have imagined. Given the violent forces resisting the “Arab Spring,” the international community has an important role to play in assisting the birth of rights-respecting democracies in the region, Human Rights Watch said in the report.

In mid-March King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa declared a state of emergency that gave sweeping power to security and military forces to end protests. King Hamad also established special military courts that sentenced more than 250 people to heavy punishments, including the death penalty in some cases. The state of emergency was lifted in June but the special military courts continued until October to try civilians associated with the protest movement.

In the wake of the crackdown, public and military prosecutions brought various charges against demonstrators and others who supported the protesters. The charges included “inciting hatred against the regime,” participating in “illegal” demonstrations, “spreading false news,” and “harming the reputation” of the country. Opposition leaders, rights activists, and professional people were among those convicted.

Most of the defendants were held for weeks deprived of contact with lawyers and family members and then sentenced to long jail terms on political charges in unfair trials, Human Rights Watch said.

Employers in both the public and private sectors dismissed or suspended more than 2,500 workers during the first half of 2011. In most cases the stated reason for dismissal was absence from work during the protests, but the dismissals appear to have been reprisals for participating in the demonstrations or supporting them. Many dismissed employees have since been reinstated, but many say they have been assigned to different jobs and obliged to sign a pledge of allegiance to authorities. …more

Saudi Arabia: the Middle East’s most under-reported conflict
by Toby Matthiesen – Guardian – 23 January, 2012

As the British prime minister, David Cameron, visited Riyadh in mid-January, wooing Saudi business and strengthening bilateral relations, a young Shia man in the eastern province was shot dead.

Following the kingdom’s huge arms deal with the United States, Cameron apparently wanted to persuade the Saudis to buy Typhoon Eurofighters. His visit was a slap in the face for protesters, who are demanding human rights and more of a say in their country’s affairs.

In the week beginning 16 January thousands of people – activists say tens of thousands – took to the streets of Awwamiya in the eastern province to commemorate the death of Issam Muhammad Abu Abdallah, aged 22. He had been shot by Saudi security forces on the night of 12 January.

According to the interior ministry, the security forces were defending themselves after a police car had been attacked. Activists and local Shia news websites acknowledge that the police were attacked, but argue that the police used force indiscriminately. Issam’s funeral turned into a large rally at which emotions ran high and anti-government slogans were chanted.

These events are just the latest episodes in one of the Middle East’s most under-reported conflicts. Last year, Shia citizens in the eastern province took to the streets just days after the uprising started in neighbouring Bahrain on 14 February. Their protests were largely peaceful and they were hoping that Saudis in other areas would join them on a planned “day of rage” in March.

This day passed without major demonstrations, even in Shia areas, as the Shia protesters had allegedly been told their grievances would be addressed if they stayed at home. Those promises were never fulfilled, however, and the state chose to arrest the leaders of the demonstrations over the summer, further inflaming the situation.

Instead of using such repression, the regime should have addressed the grievances of the protesters, including the release of political prisoners. The Saudi Shia minority, mainly located in the eastern province, has long complained of discrimination in government employment and business, as well as restriction of religious practices. Initially, the protesters were not calling for the downfall of the monarchy but as repression intensified (demonstrations are illegal in Saudi Arabia) some did and also started attacking the security forces. …more